Leaderboard

Wendy Burke (director of Public health for NT) reckons she's spoken to ministers and it has been confirmed that there are no restrictions on travel and no local lockdowns. These clueless twats have done it again. Get your cargo shorts ironed and your bum bag packed, Renton, IT'S CENTRE PARKS TIME.

His dad is a fucking little rat, and he’s a workmanlike, jug eared ugly cunt. Hope was honestly being soft there for me, as I’ve said I’m not giving Bruce credit for achieving fucking mediocrity and treading water from the initial total fucking disaster he had us hurtling towards. You can’t run about abusing the fan base and then get pissed off no one accepts you. From day one I didn’t want this Manchester United obsessed toad to be our manager, I’ll happily say nothing will change my mind on that as I’m extremely confident he won’t ever achieve anything with NUFC, he’s finished top 10 twice in his below mediocre career. Please just fuck off and take your arsehole son with you. I’m glad the prick come out as abusive as that, now he doesn’t have a single fucking leg to stand on when he whinges everyone is being mean to his dad. Cunt bag. Even the mackems think his dad is shite and those paedophile worshipping simpletons rate Sam Allardyce.

Shots fired

Yeah, I have to remove that from my nightly search engine results too.

Let them come and meet Thor Ragnarok Watson.

What do we think about Jones as our next gaffer? The Cabbage is contracted until 2022, and will he fuck go before then, which means we will likely be relegated. Assuming Jones is still with us, which is far from guaranteed, when the Calorie Sack is finally peddled, he ticks all boxes for Ashley. • Cheap • Cheap • Cheap • Knows the club and all the bullshit that he’ll have to work under. • Half decent coach. • Cheap

Alex Bruce is seething.

mind you, if you're going to catch covid anywhere it's going to be in one of centre parc's indoor dome/petri dish style swimming pools, so don't relax on your hols that much

In my opinion, He want diferent style of players for different situations. Kane is the starter and Calvert-Lewin was amazing in the past international matches when Southgate gave him some minutes... OK. Bamford and Wilson are two strikers more stronger in the box... And Watkins maybe os better in running game and in football more direct. Bamford ys very good in the combinative play... But Kane is similar and better. I am not saying Watking was better, just is different (anyway, I think he will be one of the dismiss. For example, I don't understand how is possible not to be Danny Ings between 33 players. With the Right backs... Totally agree with you. But I think Reece James (or Trippier) will be out. Trent Alexander is out of form and even he is injured today, so if he is not OK he will be the dismiss. And I guess Trippier will be selected because he have playes in both sides. And Walker can play as CB in case you need to play with 3 in the back.

Just got back from a weekend in Norwich seeing some of our family down there there. Had a nice meal at the Acle Bridge Inn its right beside the Norfolk Broads on Sunday afternoon. It felt good getting back to some kind of normality

was that what the sunderland keeper did against lincoln?

Especially when he reckons his dad doesn’t use it. Which is believable. He’s perpetuating the problem as well as being an absolute hypocrite. It’s fucking pointless. And Hope is spot on in what he says and has a shitload more credibility with the fans than any of Bruce’s pals in the media

Bruce lowers the bar to the floor, then expects a round of applause when he stumbles over it.

And it was as glorious as ever

Reading this waiting for a pop at the mackems to be sprinkled in. Not disappointed. 😂

Two of them played for Liverpool so that explains those

I'd be fucking mortified if my 36year old son was having Twitter wars defending me

If Bruce wasn’t such a surly, touchy moron he could’ve taken credit for appointing Jones.

Graeme Jones has got a call up.

caught pissing in the pool?

I'm too owl'd for all this huffin and puffin about bird puns, so I'm going to tern a new leaf, I gannet do it much longer, but it's been a lark.

Have you lot got nowt better to do? Instead of swanning about on here, flamin' go back to graft. Unless you’re driving home, in which case be careful - it’s th’ rush hour. Ostrich.

at least she talks sense

No but an injured Jordan Henderson is, obviously.

I know it’s the provisional squad but Aaron Ramsdale has got a call-up to England Darlow hasn’t played for months and he’s better than that joker.

Henever we run out of puns

Wren will it end ??

Toucan play at this game. Budgerigar-d me with such disdain, I'm Knot sure I can take the abuse. Too much to Swallow.

His sexual proclivities are irrelevant.

In fairness are you racist if you hate all races?

bearing in mind how brucey and his boy have turned out, you can do nothing other than question the parenting skills of joe and sheenagh.

"merciless pounding of the defenceless" sounds absolutely filthy.

I wouldn't be in the least bit surprised, would you if we did? dangle a profit in front of ashley's eyes and he'll bite your hand off, unless of course wor brucey intervenes and tells mikey he can't do that. the subject will probably crop up at same time they're having a meeting about improving the training facilities.

pair of utter, utter, pitifully embarrassing cunts.

The Bruces. Against social media abuse.

I wonder if he kept asking her if he could buy Ashley out and after a few temper tantrums they compromised

Aye, this was so obvious, wasn’t it? The fact Bruce stuck around means one of two things, neither of which precludes the other from being true. 1- He’s thick as mince and didn’t realise. 2- He’s a little bitch and took the slight on his character, along with his wages.

That this even has to be said.

And the rest of his appearances under his dad’s mates

It'd be like that Steven Taylor celebration where nobody else is celebrating hardly

I see t00nraider2 has been writing to Viz…

Saw something on twitter that; their parachute payments are gone, 13 of their players are out of contract, also McGeady gets a contract extension because he featured in the Play Off loss? So, they have to completely rebuild a promotion challenging team. That's expensive. They'll be paying over the odds for players because they're still a 'big club' for League 1. They'll be paying over the odds because they've a billionaire owner. They'll end up getting stiffed because their owner is inexperienced, and will likely end up spending £5m on anyone with a popular chant. In 17/18 their broadcast revenue was £95.6m, in 19/20 it was £17.2m (and 59% of their total revenue), in 20/21 broadcast revenue was £2m. I can't see how they can build a squad essentially from scratch, that's capable of pushing for promotion, when their revenue is so small. But, on the bright side, they can laugh at us because of that one time a fan punched a horse.

Fulham’s finishing

An eviction in East Jerusalem lies at the center of a conflict that led to war between Israel and Hamas. But for millions of Palestinians, the routine indignities of occupation are part of daily life. By David M. Halbfinger and Adam Rasgon May 22, 2021 JERUSALEM — Muhammad Sandouka built his home in the shadow of the Temple Mount before his second son, now 15, was born. They demolished it together, after Israeli authorities decided that razing it would improve views of the Old City for tourists. Mr. Sandouka, 42, a countertop installer, had been at work when an inspector confronted his wife with two options: Tear the house down, or the government would not only level it but also bill the Sandoukas $10,000 for its expenses. Such is life for Palestinians living under Israel’s occupation: always dreading the knock at the front door. The looming removal of six Palestinian families from their homes in East Jerusalem set off a round of protests that helped ignite the latest war between Israel and Gaza. But to the roughly three million Palestinians living in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, which Israel captured in the 1967 war and has controlled through decades of failed peace talks, the story was exceptional only because it attracted an international spotlight. For the most part, they endure the frights and indignities of the Israeli occupation in obscurity. Even in supposedly quiet periods, when the world is not paying attention, Palestinians from all walks of life routinely experience exasperating impossibilities and petty humiliations, bureaucratic controls that force agonizing choices, and the fragility and cruelty of life under military rule, now in its second half-century. Underneath that quiet, pressure builds. If the eviction dispute in East Jerusalem struck a match, the occupation’s provocations ceaselessly pile up dry kindling. They are a constant and key driver of the conflict, giving Hamas an excuse to fire rockets or lone-wolf attackers grievances to channel into killings by knives or automobiles. And the provocations do not stop when the fighting ends. Home on the Edge No homeowner welcomes a visit from the code-enforcement officer. But it’s entirely different in East Jerusalem, where Palestinians find it nearly impossible to obtain building permits and most homes were built without them: The penalty is often demolition. Mr. Sandouka grew up just downhill from the Old City’s eastern ramparts, in the valley dividing the Temple Mount from the Mount of Olives. At 19, he married and moved into an old addition onto his father’s house, then began expanding it. New stone walls tripled the floor area. He laid tile, hung drywall and furnished a cozy kitchen. He spent around $150,000. Children came, six in all. Ramadan brought picnickers to the green valley. The kids played host, delivering cold water or hot soup. His wife prepared feasts of maqluba (chicken and rice) and mansaf (lamb in yogurt sauce). He walked with his sons up to Al Aqsa, one of Islam’s holiest sites. In 2016, city workers posted an address marker over Mr. Sandouka’s gate. It felt like legitimation. But Israel was drifting steadily rightward. The state parks authority fell under the influence of settlers, who seek to expand Jewish control over the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Citing an old plan for a park encircling the Old City, the authority set about clearing one unpermitted house after another. Now it was Mr. Sandouka’s turn. Plans showed a corner of the house encroaching on a future tour-bus parking lot. Zeev Hacohen, an authority official, said erasing Mr. Sandouka’s neighborhood was necessary to restore views of the Old City “as they were in the days of the Bible.” “The personal stories are always painful,” he allowed. But the Palestinian neighborhood, he said, “looks like the Third World.” Mr. Sandouka hired a lawyer and prayed. But he was at work a few months ago when someone knocked on his door again. This time, his wife told him, crying, it was a police officer. The Night Raid The knock at the door is not always just a knock. Badr Abu Alia, 50, was awakened around 2 a.m. by the sounds of soldiers breaking into his neighbor’s home in Al Mughrayyir, a village on a ridge in the West Bank. When they got to his door, a familiar ritual ensued: His children were rousted from bed. Everyone was herded outside. The soldiers collected IDs, explained nothing and ransacked the house. They left two hours later, taking with them a teenager from next door, blindfolded. He had taken part in a protest four days earlier, when an Israeli sniper shot and killed a teenager who was wandering among the rock-throwers and spent tear-gas canisters. Al Mughrayyir was one of the few villages still mounting regular Friday protests. They began after settlers cut off access to some of the villagers’ farmland. The boy’s death became a new rallying cry. The army says it raids Palestinian homes at night because it is safer, and ransacks them to search for weapons, in routine crackdowns aimed at keeping militance in check. But the raids also inspire militance. Mr. Abu Alia seethed as he described seeing his son outside in the dark, “afraid, crying because of the soldiers, and I can do nothing to protect him.” “It makes you want to take revenge, to defend yourself,” he went on. “But we have nothing to defend ourselves with.” Stone-throwing must suffice, he said. “We can’t take an M-16 and go kill every settler. All we have are those stones. A bullet can kill you instantly. A little stone won’t do much. But at least I’m sending a message.” Settlers send messages, too. They have cut down hundreds of Al Mughrayyir’s olive trees — vital sources of income and ties to the land — torched a mosque, vandalized cars. In 2019, one was accused of fatally shooting a villager in the back. The case remains open. A Family Divided For Majeda al-Rajaby the pain of occupation never goes away. It slices straight through her family. A twice-divorced teacher, Ms. al-Rajaby, 45, is divided from her five children by the different ways Israel treats Palestinians depending on where they are from. She grew up in the West Bank, in Hebron. But both her ex-husbands were Jerusalem residents, allowing them to travel anywhere an Israeli citizen may go. The children were entitled to the blue IDs of Jerusalem residents, too. Hers remained West Bank green. Both her husbands lived in Shuafat refugee camp, a lawless slum inside the Jerusalem city limits but just outside Israel’s security barrier. West Bankers are not allowed to live there, but the rule is not enforced. She had thought she was marrying up. Instead, she said her husbands “always made me feel inferior.” After the second divorce, she was left on her own, with her green ID, to raise all five children with their blue IDs. The distinction could be life-threatening. When a daughter accidentally inhaled housecleaning chemicals, Ms. al-Rajaby tried to race her to the closest hospital, in Jerusalem. Soldiers refused to let her in. As a teacher in Shuafat, she had a permit to enter Jerusalem, but only until 7 p.m. It was 8:00. Her children are older now, but the distinction is just as keenly felt: Ms. al-Rajaby allows herself to be excluded from joyful moments and rites of passage so her children can enjoy advantages unavailable to her. She stays behind on the Palestinian side of the security barrier while they head off to Jaffa or Haifa, or on shortcuts to Hebron through Jerusalem, a route forbidden to her. “West Banker,” they tease her, waving goodbye. One daughter is 21 now and engaged and goes on jaunts into Israel with her fiancé’s mother. “I should be with them,” Ms. al-Rajaby said. Last summer, Ms. al-Rajaby moved out of Shuafat to a safer neighborhood just outside the Jerusalem city limits, in the West Bank. That means her children could lose their blue IDs if Israel determined that their primary residence was with her. “I’m not allowed to live there,” she said of Shuafat, “and my daughters are not allowed to live here.” Constrained as she is, Ms. al-Rajaby wants even more for her children than freedom to move about Israel. In 2006, her daughter Rana, then 7, was burned in a cooking accident. An Italian charity paid for treatment at a hospital in Padua. Mother and child stayed for three months. The experience opened Ms. al-Rajaby’s eyes. She saw green parks, children in nice clothes, women driving cars. “It was the moment of my liberation,” she said. “I started thinking: ‘Why do they have this? Why don’t we?’” Today, she urges all her children to see the world, and holds out hope that they might emigrate. “Why,” she asked, “should someone keep living under the mercy of people who have no mercy?” Working for the Occupation Try as they might to make their accommodations with Israel, Palestinians often find themselves caught in the occupation’s gears. Majed Omar once earned a good living as a construction worker inside Israel. But in 2013, his younger brother was spotted crossing through a gap in Israel’s security barrier. A soldier shot him in the leg. Mr. Omar, 45, was collateral damage. Israel revoked his work permit just in case he had ideas about taking revenge — something Israel says happens too often. He sat unemployed for 14 months. When Israel reissued his permit, it only allowed him to work in the fast-growing West Bank settlements, where workers are paid half as much, searched each morning and supervised by armed guards all day. Which is how he came to be the foreman on a crew that remodels Jewish homes and expands Israeli buildings on land the Palestinians have long demanded as part of their hoped-for state. In a small way, it’s like digging his own grave, Mr. Omar said. “But we’re living in a time when everyone sees what’s wrong and still does it.” The Checkpoint Violence is often sudden and brief. But the nagging dread it instills can be just as debilitating. Nael al-Azza, 40, is haunted by the Israeli checkpoint he must pass through while commuting between his home in Bethlehem and his job in Ramallah. At home, he lives behind walls and cultivates a lush herb and vegetable garden in the backyard. But nothing protects him on his drive to work, not even his position as a manager in the Palestinian firefighting and ambulance service. Recently, he said, a soldier at the checkpoint stopped him, told him to roll down his window, asked if he had a weapon. He said no. She opened his passenger door to take a look, then slammed it shut, hard. He wanted to object. But he stopped himself, he said: Too many confrontations with soldiers end with Palestinians being shot. “If I want to defend my property and my self-respect, there’s a price for that,” he said. His commute is a 14-mile trip as the crow flies, but a 33-mile route, because Palestinians are diverted in a wide loop around Jerusalem along a tortuous two-lane road of steep switchbacks. Even so, it ought to take less an hour — but often takes two or three, because of the checkpoint. The Israelis consider the checkpoint essential to search for fleeing attackers or illegal weapons or to cut the West Bank in two in case of unrest. Palestinians call it a choke point that can be shut off on a soldier’s whim. It is also a friction point, motorists and soldiers each imagining themselves as the other’s target. Idling and inching along, Mr. al-Azza compared traffic to blood flow. Searching one car can mean an hour’s delay. The soldiers are so young, he said, “They don’t feel the weight of stopping 5,000 cars.” He thinks only of those delayed. “When they impede your movement and cause you to fail at your job, you feel like you’ve lost your value and meaning,” he said. A few nights each week, delays force him to sleep at work and settle for video calls with his three children. On weekend outings, the checkpoint takes a different toll on his family. “I try to keep my kids from speaking about the conflict,” he said. “But they see and experience things I have no answer for. When we’re driving, we turn the music on. But when we reach the checkpoint, I turn it off. I don’t know why. I’ll see them in the mirror: All of a sudden, they sit upright and look anxious — until we cross and I turn the music back on.” Deadly scenarios constantly play out in Mr. al-Azza’s head: What if a tire blew out or his engine stalled? What if a young soldier, trained to respond instantly, misconstrued it as a threat? “It’s not possible to put it out of mind,” he said. “When you’re hungry, you think about food.” In the Bubble No Palestinian is insulated from the occupation’s reach — not even in the well-to-do, privileged “bubble” of Ramallah, where Israeli soldiers are seldom seen. Everyone Sondos Mleitat knows bears the scars of some trauma. Her own: Hiding with her little brother, then 5, when Israeli tanks rolled into Nablus, where she was raised. In the dark, she said, he pulled all his eyelashes out, one by one. Today, Ms. Mleitat, 30, runs a website connecting Palestinians with psychotherapists. Instead of reckoning with their lingering wounds, she said, people seek safety in social conformity, in religion, in the approval gleaned from Facebook and Instagram likes. But all of those, she said, only reinforce the occupation’s suffocating effects. “This is all about control,” she said. “People are going through a type of taming or domestication. They just surrender to it and feel they can’t change anything.” After her uncle was killed by Israeli soldiers at a protest, she said, his younger brother was pushed into marriage at 18 “to protect him from going down the same path.” But a nation of people who reach adulthood thinking only about settling down, she said, is not a nation that will achieve independence. “They think they’re getting out of this bubble, but they’re not,” she said. Homeless Mr. Sandouka earns about $1,800 in a good month. He hoped the lawyer could quash the demolition order. “I thought they would just give us a fine,” he said. Then he got another panicked call from home: “The police were there, making my family cry.” Khalas, he said, enough. He would tear it down himself. Early on a Monday, his sons took turns with a borrowed jackhammer. They almost seemed to be having fun, like wrecking a sand castle. Finished, their moods darkened. “It’s like we’re lighting ourselves on fire,” said Mousa, 15. “They want the land,” said Muataz, 22. “They want all of us to leave Jerusalem.” In 2020, 119 Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem were demolished, 79 of them by their owners. When all was rubble, Mr. Sandouka lit a cigarette and held it with three beefy fingers as it burned. His pants filthy with the dust of his family’s life together, he climbed atop the debris, sent photos to the police and contemplated his options. Moving to the West Bank, and sacrificing Jerusalem residency, was unthinkable. Moving elsewhere in Jerusalem was unaffordable. A friend offered a couple of spare rooms as a temporary refuge. Mr. Sandouka’s wife demanded permanency. “She told me if I don’t buy her a home, that’s it — everyone can go their separate ways,” he said. He turned his eyes uphill toward the Old City. “These people work little by little,” he said. “It’s like a lion that eats one, and then another. It eventually eats everything around it.”